A Closer Look at Yowlumne History from Early Times to 1934     by Sasha Honig


The Yowlumne ("People of the Wolf Country") (Latta 127)  Yokuts were one of  40 
(Weigel 1)  different linguistic groups of Yokuts  whose lands extended the length of the Great Central Valley.  Although other spellings of Yowlumne may be found (e.g. Yawlam'ni, Yauelmani), the people themselves preferred Yowlumne. (Latta 203) and that is the term that will be used in this site.  

According to Latta, Yowlumne  territory lay "between Kern Lake and the Tehachapi Range...Kern Lake and Wheeler Ridge... [and] the creeks west of Tej—n [Creek] Canyon..." including the area we now know as the Grapevine (Ca–ada de las Uvas).  (203-205)  One of Latta's maps shows it also stretched along the Kern River toward the Kern Canyon.)  (Latta, 1977:  end cover)  Put another way, Yowlumne ancestral land was tucked into a wide strip running along the Kern River as it emerged from Kern Canyon, flowed south and split into multiple channels (which changed course from time to time.)  The  Sierra Nevada lay to the east, the Tehachapis to the south. Rich natural resources for hunting and gathering lay within this territory and it is unlikely the Yowlumne went hungry very often.

It is estimated that the Yowlumne pre-historic population was 1,300. (It would shrink to 280 by 1850)    (Wallace  449)

  The main village was called Woilu;  it was located up on a hill in what today is downtown Bakersfield between  Truxtun Avenue and the railroad tracks.  The hill protected Woilu from seasonal flooding; it is difficult to imagine an important Indian village and a major channel of the Kern flowing down busy Truxtun Avenue today.  Several other permanent villages lay scattered in Yowlumne territory but  none were on the preserve itself, probably because the seasonal flooding.   However,  there is anecdoctal evidence of a seasonal encampment on the Preserve on one of its higher elevation places.   (Personal communication, Bill Robertson)

The hill on which Woilu rested no longer exists.  In the American period, a settler named Reeder built a home on it but  in 1898 the Santa Fe Railroad company scraped it down to build a depot there.   Workers uncovered bones,  grinding bowls, arrowheads and other artifacts but the work went on.  Today, construction would have been halted while archaeologists and an Indian monitor did a careful dig and recovered as much cultural information as possible.

Ironically, the depot is no longer there;  the company demolished it in the 1970s for a parking lot. 

 
Yowlumne territory would have been rich in small game, fish, freshwater mussels,  and waterfowl.   An abundance of useful plants was there for the taking:  arrowweed for arrow shafts, elderberries for eating  and more, [see Table]  willows and grasses for the exceptionally fine baskets for which the Yokuts are known.  The tall  tules which grew abundantly along the swamps were perfect for  many purposes such covering the sides of their homes or construction of boats and rafts.  Their shallow draft allowed easy access to the waterways that dominated their landscape.

Ir was once believed that Indians did nothing to change nature Š that they took it the way they got it, hunted and gathered from it, but did nothing to change it.  Scholars now know they did manipulate it to benefit themselves, the animals, and plants around them.  For instance, they routinely staged controlled burns and in doing so, cleaned out debris that would burn so hot it would kill the trees and bushes.  They did not know it but were avoiding the catastrophic wildfires we see today.  Controlled burning also encouraged new shoots to sprout.   Within a week, vegetation would begin to come back.

After fire, elderberry, arrowweed, and buttonwillow shoots would be straight and easy to make into arrow shafts.    (Anderson  236-237, 278) Seeds of many California native plants need fire to germinate;  heat would make the seed husks explode, a little like popcorn popping, and the seed within was released to find a place to start growing.

The Indians also knew that pruning plants and even periodically cutting them down to the ground (but not uprooting) was beneficial;  the plants were freed of dead wood, they were opened to more sunlight, and could grow strong and lush, more nutritious for themselves and the animals who fed on the plants.

The first Spaniards to enter the Valley were neither missionaries nor explorers -- they were deserters from the presidio at San Diego.   (Bolton, 1935.  9, 12)  In 1772, Pedro Fages came into the Valley from the south  to search for these men.  He entered via  the pass that follows Tejon Creek (not the presently called "Tejon Pass" but farther east.  A beautiful view ("buena vista") of a "labyrinth and tulares" shimmered on the valley floor below him.  He did not find the refugees and left the valley the way he had come.



 

The next Spanish explorer to enter the Valley was missionary Father Francisco Garcˇs in 1776.    He entered by way of the Tehachapis and went north. He followed an Indian trade trail down to the Kern River (which he called  it the "Rio de San Felipe." )  The river was running high  (he commented on its great noise) and he would not have been able to cross except for the help of friendly Yowlumne men.  His explorations took him out of Yowlumne territory and up to the White River before he turned around.  In visiting various Indian villages, he heard of  Spaniards who had come into the valley, most likely including the deserters Fages had been after, plus  others.  Two had been killed by the Indians for their brutality towards them.   One, however,  had married an Indian woman, settled down, and had a son.  Garces did not personally meet him.  On his way out of the  valley, he crossed the river west of his previous crossing and picked a possible place for a mission up on the heights  above the high bluffs that flank the river on the south.  (Boyd, Ludeke, & Rump,1982:  2-3)


 

No mission there ever resulted as a result of Garces' recommendation.    Partly this was due to the geographic isolation of the Yowlumne (tucked away beyond the great "labyrinth of lakes and tulares" (see map) and partly it was because Spanish attention was more focused on the western side of the valley and the Buena Vista Lake area (especially the village of Tulamniu).  This was where runaway soldiers or mission Indians tended to head.

 

Fugitivism was a major concern to missionaries who believed that once an Indian was baptized, it was his obligation to remain at the mission to continue receiving instruction in the faith (along with various vocational skills.)  Just as in a Spanish family, a minor child could not reject the authority of the father, the neophyte ("one new in the faith') could not reject the authority of the missionary padre.  By running away, mission fugitives showed that they did indeed reject mission authority.  It was inevitable that troops of soldiers (sometimes accompanied by other, more loyal neophytes) came after them.   The Yowlumne were well aware of them of these invasions of Yokuts territory sometimes joined with their neighbors in aggressive action against the Spanish.


 

In 1790, for example,  the Yowlumne and other valley Indians attacked a party of soldiers who were chasing a mission refugee;  the Yokuts were out to avenge atrocities committed by military deserters.  The Indians killed two soldiers and made off with gear and a horse.  This may have been the first horse in the southern valley. It is thought that the Indian  refugee sought by the soldiers was with the Yokuts and that he taught them about how to use the gear and ride a horse.   (Phillips,  1993.  41-43)

 

In 1807, the Yowlumne had a notable victory over a group of soldiers under Gabriel Moraga who came into the Valley after mission runaways.   The Yowlumne attacked and killed killed two soldiers and this time stole 100 horses;  the soldiers retreated. (Phillips, 1993:  51)

 

A few generations ago,  Yokuts were described as a docile, non-warlike people, but newer research has revised this view;  instead it is shown that Yokuts resisted Spanish or Mexican invasions, sometimes with violence   sometimes not.   Sometimes they took the initiative in attacking (as in 1790 and 1807),  sometimes they indirectly struck at coastal settlements by stealing their livestock, especially horses.  (Wallace, 460)  In the long run, the indirect approach had the most potential for permanent harm to the coastal population.

 

The missions and ranchos were considerably weakened by this constant loss of animals.  Given enough time, the ŅHorse Thief IndiansÓ would have bled the coastal herds dry and weakened the Hispanic hold on California.

 

The flight of mission converts (neophytes) continued to be heavy, especially to the Yokuts town of Tulamniu on Buena Vista Lake.  In 1818, the same Father Payeras strongly condemned Tulamniu as "a republic of Hell and a diabolical union of apostates [unbelievers] ..."  (Phillips, 1993:  59)

 

Many of these ex-mission converts settled down among the Yokuts and many of them helped plan and carry out  horse  raids.  They knew the lay of the land, they knew where to go and how to  go about a successful raid. These neophytes changed valley cultures by showing interior people that horseflesh as good to eat Š and horses were good to ride.   Everyone, including women, learned to ride horseback. (Phillips,  1993.    60) 

 

By 1845, there were an estimated 40,000 wild horses in the Central Valley, more than local Indians could ever ride or eat.  Raids might have had a touch of revenge about them ,   (Hurtado, 1990.  2-11) but also horse theft was  good business. As early as 1818,  Father President Mariano Payeras commented tthat "Fairs are held at which horses stolen from the missions are put up for sale." (Phillips,  1993.    60) 

 

Yokuts (and other more northern San Joaquin and Sacramento Valley tribes) sold to mountain men and to Eastern Sierra Indians who traded them into western Nevada whence they were passed farther along into the Great Basin .  (Layton,  1981.  131-137) A popular exchange place for horse trading was the Humboldt Sink, Nevada.   Indian tribes from as far away as Idaho came to the Humboldt Sink to get horses. (Layton,  1981.  131-137)
 
Soldiers learned that the Yokuts were able warriors --- and they also came to realize the Indians had the tactical advantage of fighting on their own home ground of  swamps and tules.   They could retreat into the tules if necessary and the Spanish could not easily follow.  Once behind the wall of tules (10-15 feet high and 20 miles wide in some places), the Indians could easily pass through in their shallow-draft tule boats.   They undoubtedly also knew places through the tules where they could ride their horses to safety.

In 1824, Chumash at Mission Santa Barbara  rose up in major revolt and fled into the Valley and found refuge among Yokuts around Buena Vista Lake.  Indians at La Purisima also rose up.  Spanish authorities feared that the Chumash  would  expand their revolt into a general uprising of Valley Yokuts.  Only a few Yokuts tribes, however, showed any interest in joining up;  the Yowlumne were not among them  evidently.   (Phillips, 1993:  67) 

Spanish troops arrived to take the Chumash back to the coast but  the rebels were safe in the tules where the soldiers could not easily reach them.  In the end, negotiations between the Spanish commander and missionary and Chumash eaders lcaused the Chumash to return to the coast.   (Honig, 60-62)   However, an estimated 163 of them did not.   Some are believed to have fled as far east as Walker Pass (Phillips, 1993: 69) 
 There was no Indian trail up the Kern Canyon, according to Frank Latta, (Latta, 1977:  313-314)  so to get Walker Pass,  they probably took a Yowlumne trail up Cottonwood Creek, crossed the mountains to the upper Kern River near todayÕs Kernville, and east to the pass.

It is not known how many ex-mission Indians settled there among the Yokuts.   However, a very prominent one was Emeterio  who settled among the Yowlumne was named Emeterio.  Although he was born on Buena Vista Lake in 1799,  he was taken as a young boy to Mission San Fernando and there he was baptized and given his Spanish name. 

At some point, he fled and by 1851 was headman of the Yowlumne village of Tsineuhiu, upriver from Woilu, not far from Gordon's Ferry.   (Phillips, 2004.   37. )   His name is prominent in the history of the Yowlumne in the American period, as will be seen.  

The border between the coastal missions and the interior tribes was never a firm line separating them.  It was very porous,   with soldiers and Indians frequently crossing it for one reason or another.  Still, the natural landscape was not much tampered with in the Spanish and Mexican periods   

 

This was about to change starting in the 1820s, as Americans fur trappers (who also included British and French Canadians), miners, stockmen, canal builders, and agriculturalists flocked into the Central Valley. 

For example, from 1825-1840, occasional parties of "mountain men" worked the waters of the Kern River watershed trapping beaver and other fur-bearing animals.  Some were were French and British Canadian employees of the HudsonÕs Bay Company;  some were Americans who worked either free-lance or for some small company.   The first American trapper to reach California was Jedediah Strong Smith in 1826;  he entered the San Joaquin Valley from the south and was greeted by Yowlumne on horseback who were friendly but told him beaver could be found farther north.  If this was a trick to get Smith's men to leave them alone, it worked.  (Hurtado, 39)

Contact with the mountain men was sporadic -- but it was not harmless or without deadly consequence.    European diseases associated with the missions had already reached the interior but the mountain men added to the toxic mix by unknowingly introducing malaria from Oregon in the late 1820s.   The Yowlumne seem to have escaped the worst of a devastating epidemic in 1833 (perhaps malaria) that decimated neighboring tribes to the west and north.  An estimated  75% of Yowlumne neighbors died (Latta, 109-110;  Wallace, 460)  Why the Yowlumne may have escaped the worst of it is a mystery since malaria is born by mosquitos and mosquitos were plentiful.  Malaria must have arrived sometime in the 1830s or 1840s because it was certainly present ("indigenous") (Boyd, Middle Border 37) when early American settlers arrived in the 1850s.

Mountain men came and went and were relatively few in number.  With the Gold Rush, huge numbers of outsiders began to come into the southern valley.

Among the earliest  outsiders to arrive were professional hunters who traveled long distances from the mines  to hunt deer, elk, antelope and horses to sell to hungry miners. 

Then came miners who did not hit the Big Bonanza and headed out in all directions on the compass to prospect new fields.  Some came as far south as the Kern River where gold was found in  1851 in the canyon and in nearby mountains in 1852. 

Generally speaking, the Gold Rush was a disaster for California's Indians.  Their lands and their resources were overrun by outsiders and their livestock;  if a gold strike was made near an Indian village,  the Indians were pushed off;  food became scarce as trees were cut down to make sluice boxes and other mining equipment, the game hunted out, the streams silted up or dammed and the natural habitat overall destroyed.  Miners' livestock grazed down the grasses Indians depended upon.  Indian resistance was taken to be proof of undying their hatred toward whites which, to miners, justified violence, rape, and murder. and killed for sport by some or hunted down by vigilante groups.

It was an age-old pattern in U.S. history;  expansion westward inevitably brought conflict with Native Americans which, in turn, led the government to negotiate treaties by which the Indians were pushed aside.  It was no different in California.   In 1851, the federal government sent 3 commissioners to make treaties with California Indians whereby they would cede their lands for promises of  land elsewhere, food, and other support from the U.S. government.  Seven and one half million acres of land were promised the 139 signatory tribes;  there were 18 treaties in all. 

The Yowlumne were one of the tribes that signed a treaty;  their leader was the above mentioned Emeterio.  Under the Treaty of Paint Creek, (now the White River)   he agreed for his people  would move to a reservation on the Tule River.  There the commissioners promised the federal government would send them  200 head of cattle a year and other suppplies.  (Phillips, 199:   102-103) 

Not long after the treaty was signed, several Americans travelling near the Kern met Emeterio;  they were impressed that he  and his men  were "... mounted on fine horses and for the most part clad in Mexican style..."  Emeterio and other chiefs  there showed the Americans their copies of the recent treaties. The Americans were interested to learn the Indians had just returned from a raid  near San Luis Obispo (which explained why the horses appeared to have been only recently  branded.   "These Indians must have stolen their horses just before or immediately after they had made a treaty."  one of the Americans wrote.   (Phillips, 2004:  43)   

 

Emeterio was not  alone in continuing to raid, treaty or not;  many other Yokuts tribes doing the same which only inflamed passions against them more.   Governor Bigler  responded by authorizing and supplying vigilante groups to pursue the raiders.  (Phillips, 2004: 43-44)  

 

Many protested that the most valuable mining and agricultural land in the state was being given away, lost forever to white settlement.    A "general and exterminating war" was the only alternative, others said.  Whites felt they had "no security for either life or property  and so "the whole damn race" should be killed off.   ( Hoopes, "Redick McKee" 198)

 

Howls of protest against the treaties went up among white miners, settlers, businessmen, and politicians;  savage verbal attacks were hurled at the commissioners and the treaties.    The governor himself  complained the treaties were "calculated to produce constant collisions"  between whites and Indians;  he believe the two  simply could never live together.   (Phillips, 2004.  43-44)

 

Some believed the alternative to expensive wars of extermination would be: mass removal of California's Indians from the state.    (Phillips, 2004:  57-59)  Where would they go?    Perhaps backers of this idea were thinking of how the sCherokees had been removed to Indian Territory (Oklahoma) only 13 or 14 years before;  thousands died on the ŅTrail of Tears.Ó    The Cherokees were a sophisticated people, one of the Seven Civilized Tribes of the southern United States; if their journey was devastating to them, how much more so it would have been to the California Indians. What percentage of California Indians would have died on a similar forced march can only be guessed

 

 

In 1852, Governor John Bigler was in favor of removal but due to political pressure, he became a believer in of  extermination;  we must, he said, protect "the people from the incursions of merciless and savage enemies."  (Hoopes, "Redick McKee" 212)  (Continued horsetheft by Emeterio and others only fueled the fires against the Indians.)

 

In the end,  the treaties were never ratified by the U.S. Senate even though it was the same Senate that had authorized and paid for neotiation of those very same treaties.  The Senate put the treaties under seal to hide their existence  (Who We Are, BIA: n.d.) .  They did not become public until 1905.   ("California Treaties..." Pechanga Band:  n.d.)   Thus, political pressure from California  almost succeeded in suppressing this chapter in the state's history (and with it, the history of the Yowlumne people).  



 

The millions of acres promised the Indians would never become reservations, yet whites still demanded they be brought under control, one way or another.   Many Indian ŅwarsÓ were naught but campaigns of extermination;  the removal idea died hard:  as late as 1859, removal to the interior of

Baja California was advocated;  the U.S. Government would have to buy Baja California first, however.    (Phillips, 2004   236)  The federal government had no policy of reservations, but something had to be done.  They simply could not take up much land.

 

However, Edward Fitzgerald Beale believed he had the answer:  small reservations backed up by nearby forts.  The reservation would be patterned  after  Spanish missions where Indian residents would taught useful skills such as farming, creating irrigation systems, herding cattle and sheep, etc.  It was a mission without the religion.  This was not an original idea with him, but he was a good politician and he got Congressional support and funding for five reservations in California. 

 

 

  He began by locating a small reservation in Tejon Canyon, on Tej—n Creek)  (15 miles east of the present Tejon Pass).  It was originally called the Tejon Farm but in a smart political move,  he renamed it the Sebastian Reservation after  the chairman of the Committee on Indian Affairs, Sen. William K. Sebastian.  He got the money he needed along with the title of Superintendant for Indian Affairs of California and Nevada.    The reservations were supposed to be located on federal public lands but Beale located the Sebastian on  a Mexican land grant, the Rancho el Tej—n. i.e. private land.  A government Land Commission was investigating the validity of all Mexican land grants;  those found to be invalid would become public land.  Beale was taking advantage of the rancho not having clear title. 

 

Operations began in 1853.   By mid-1854, an estimated 400 Indians lived at the reservation  ;  by mid-1856, the population nearly 700.  

 

Among them were  approximately 67 Yowlumne,  led there by Emeterio.  They joined other residents in growing corn and wheat on common reservation land plus other crops such as beans and melons on their own garden plots.  (Phillips, 2004: 126-126, 170-172)  Some of the headmen of other tribes, like Emeterio, had once been at Spanish missions and were already familiar with farming, digging ditches for irrigation, building adobe houses, caring for livestock, etc.

Despite early success, the Sebastian Reseveration ultimately failed.  In 1854, Beale was removed from office by Congress on charges of embezzlement.  Years of mismanagement followed in which the Indians saw their food allotments cut; they received no protection from settlers who squatted on their land , who sold them liquor, or let their cattle and sheep graze on reservation crops (Beale himself was guilty of this)  (Phillips 2004: 245.).    A three-year drought severely reduced what they could grow for themselves and for two consecutive years, only trips into the mountains to gather wild foods saved them from starvation.  Superintendents came and went, sub-agents came and went;  some had good intentions, some were indifferent. 
Indian leaders who dared protest bad conditions with a work stoppage were given 20-100 lashes.   (Phillips, 2004:  175)

 

In 1863, a change of events began which would have serious implications for the future of the Sebastian Reservation. 

 

 In 1863, the Land Commission confirmed the Rancho El Tejon landgrant to Ignacio del Valle and Josˇ Antonio Aguirre.  This meant the reservation was squarely on private, not public land as it should have been. 

 

In early 1864  Congress closed the Sebastian reservation and later in the year also shut down nearby Fort Tejon. 

 

In 1865, Edward F. Beale bought Rancho Tejon from the Mexican grantees, del Valle and Aguirre. 

 

In 1866, Beale also bought Rancho Castac, on which Fort Tejon was located.  (" Fort Tejon State Historic Park:" 2007)    What did the future hold for the Indians of Sebastian Reservation? 

 

A year or so earlier, when it was apparent the Tejon land grant might be upheld, one Sebastian subagent declared it would be only right for the federal government to honor the spirit of 1851 treaties by purchasing land for the Indians.  His superintendent was not interested -- and neither was Beale, the land's new owner.

One might think Beale would not wish to disturb the reservation he himself had established.  Perhaps he would give the land to the federal government or perhaps he would sell it to the federal government.  He wished neither.   The land was well watered and fertile and he planned to hold on to it.

 

 He would rent or lease land to the government but only as a favor.  This was now his private land ;  neither the Indians nor the U.S. government  had a claim.  (Ironically, Mexican law would have been  far more liberal toward the Indians;  the terms of the original Rancho El Tejon grant of 1843 included the passage:  "They [the grantees] must not prevent the cultivation and other benefits the Indians have established in the place."  (Frank and Goldberg, 2010:  32) 

 

While some of the Sebastian Indians were the original peoples who had always lived on Tejon Creek, many were valley peoples whom Beale had lured to the reservation only a short time before, like the Yowlumne.    Beale now stated he would not demand the Indians leave his land -- but he would prefer it.   (Phillips, 2004 . 247). 

 

The improvements (buildings, cultivated fields, orchards, irrigation ditches, etc.) they had made on the land were now his as were the land and  buildings at Fort Tejon.  Moreover, reservation cattle now became his.  The present 270,00 acre Tejon Ranch was formed by Beale from four Mexican land grants:  Ranchos La Liebre (1855) ,El Tejon and  Los Alamos y Agua Caliente  (1865),  and Castac  ( 1866).  

 

Beale was well on his way to becoming one of California's greatest land barons whereas the Indians on Sebastian were either homeless unless they either stayed as Mr. Beale's employees or let themselves be uprooted again and be moved to the Tule River Reservation.

 

Three hundred families chose to remain on the ranch   (Phillips,  2004: 250)  where they worked as vaqueros, sheep herders, sheep shearers, etc.

 

Two hundred people chose to leave the Sebastian Reservation for the Tule River Reservation  ( Five Views,  n.d.), near  Porterville ;  the land there was on traditional Yowlumne and Koyeti Yokuts territory, which may have been comforting.   (Frank & Goldberg, 2010:  31)

In 1873, the reservation was moved to its present location in the Sierra foothills.  As time went on, the population of the Tule River Reservation became a mixture of tribes:  Yowlumne, Koyeti and Tachi Yokuts, Paiutes from the Owens Valley, Western Mono, Tubatulabal and others.   Each group had its own language but the Yowlumne language  became the lingua franca, understood by all.    (Wallace, 460)    Continued strength of Yowlumne culture was evident in the continuance of the hereditary office of winatun (chief's messenger) for several generations.  (Frank & Goldberg, 2010:  172)  As late as 1949, three full-blooded Yowlumne were still alive, according to Frank Latta.  (280)

In 1934, the federal government reorganized the reservation population into a single, federally recognized tribe, the Tule River Indian Tribe.  The various individual groups of Yokuts, Western Mono, etc. gave up their old tribal identities officially-- but today a cultural revival is underway,   funded by casino revenues.  Classes are being taught in the  in Yowlumne language and other traditional folkways.   (Frank & Goldberg, 2010:  190, 252)

 

 

Works Cited:

Anderson, M. Kat.  Tending the Wild.  Berkeley:  University of California Press .  2006.

"California Treaties Made, Yet Never Ratified" Pechanga Band of Luise–o Indians.  Accessed Sept. 14, 2013.    http://www.pechanga-nsn.gov/page?pageId=164



"California Treaties Made, Yet Never Ratified."  Pechanga Band of Luise–o Indians.  Accessed Sept. 14, 2013   http://www.pechanga-nsn.gov/page?pageId=164

Bolton, Herbert Eugene.  In the South San Joaquin Ahead of Garcˇs.  An Address Delivered Before the Kern County Historical Society.  Bakersfield:  Kern County Historical Society.  May 1935.

Boyd, W. Harland, A California Middle Border.   Richardson, Texas:  The Havilah Press, 1972.

Boyd, W. Harland, John Ludeke, & Marjorie Rump, eds.  (Inside Historic Kern.  Selections from the Kern County Historical Society's Quarterly.  Bakersfield:  Kern County Historical Society, Inc.  1982

Frank, Gelya & Carole Goldberg.  Defying the Odds.  The Tule River TribeÕs Struggle for Sovereignty in Three Centuries.  New Haven & London:  Yale University Press, 2010

Honig, Sasha.  "Yokuts, Spaniards, and Californios in the Southern San Joaqu’n Valley, 1772-1824."  Bolet’n,  The Journal of the California Mission Studies Association.  Vol. 20, No. 1, 2003.   50-62



Hoopes, Chad L.  "Redick McKee and the Humboldt Bay Region, 1851-1852."  California Historical Society Quarterly.   Vol. 49, No. 3 (Sep., 1970),  pp. 195-219

Hurtado, Albert L. ŅCalifornia Indians and the Workaday West:  Labor, Assimilation and Survival.Ó  California History Vol. 69, No. 1, (Spring, 1990),    2-11

Latta, Frank. Handbook of the Yokuts Indians.  Santa Cruz: Bear State Books. 1977

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Layton, Thomas N.  "Traders and Raiders:  Aspects of Trans-Basin and California-Plateau Commerce, 1800-1830."  Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology, Vol. 3, No. 1 (Summer, 1981)  Accessed Sept 14, 2013.  http://www.jstor.org/stable/27825082



Phillips, George Harwood.  Indians and Intruders in Central California 1769-1849.  Norman and London:  University of Oklahoma Press, 1993.

--------------------------------Indians and Indian Agents.  The Origins of the Reservation System in California, 1849-1852.  Norman and London:  University of Oklahoma Press, 1997.

-------------------------------"Bringing Them Under Subjection"  California's Tejon Indian Reservation and Beyond, 18-52-1864.    Lincoln and London:  University of Nebraska Press, 2004.



"Tejon Indian Reservation Five Views:  An Ethnic Historic Site Survey for California."  National Park Service.   Accessed Sept. 4, 2013.  http://www.cr.nps.gov/history/online_books/5views/5views1h92.htm

Wallace, William J.  "Southern Valley Yokuts."  Handbook of North American Indians, 1978. 448-461.   Accessed August 29, 2013 http://cla.calpoly.edu/~tljones/Wallace%20Yokuts.pdf

Weigel, William Frederick.  Yowlumne in the Twentieth Century.  PHd. diss., UC Berkeley.  Fall 2005.)  Accessed Aug. 15, 2013. ) http://linguistics.berkeley.edu/~survey/documents/dissertations/weigel-2005.pdf


  "Yawelmani"  World Atlas of Language Structure, accessed  Sep.13, 2013.    www.wals.info/languoid/lect/wals_code_ywl)

 

 

--Sasha Honig

September 23, 2013

 

 

 

© Sasha Honig